An Ocean of Images（最终版）-PC-1653390597

这是一篇关于An Ocean of Images（最终版）-PC-1653390597的思维导图.讲述了二战的经历.

An Ocean of Images: Film and History in the Pacific （图像之海：太平洋地区的电影和历史）

摘要 In introducing a collection of papers deriving from a workshop dedicated to Pacific film and history, this article takes the opportunity to broadly map the disciplinary and textual terrain of professional historians' engagement with the cinema. The papers introduced by this essay were selected from the first workshop dedicated to the topic of film and history in the Pacific, held in Canberra in 2007, which brought together film-makers and scholars from a wide variety of backgrounds. Despite pioneering work in the 1980s and early 1990s, historical scholarship concerned with film in the Pacific has been sporadic and remains relatively undeveloped, in contrast to research on film in other regions or the growing study of the relationships between film, colonialism and postcolonial identity. The article first reviews recent literature on history and film, and advocates further exploration of the distinctive 'history-making properties of this medium. A survey of the evolution of cinematic imaginaries for the Pacific highlights the development of colonial technologies and documentary traditions, and concludes with reflections on the growing body of film made by Islanders, marking the emergence of a new range of visual sensibilities. 在介绍一组来自一个专门研究太平洋电影和历史的研讨会的论文时，本文借此机会针对专业历史学家参与到与电影相关的学科和文本领域（情况）进行了宽泛的论述。 本文介绍的论文选自 2007 年在堪培拉举行的第一届太平洋电影与历史专题研讨会，该研讨会汇集了来自不同背景的电影制作人和学者。 尽管在20世纪80年代和90年代初太平洋地区电影的历史研究有开创性的进展，但与其他地区对电影的研究或对电影、殖民主义和后殖民身份之间关系的日益增多的研究相比，太平洋地区关于电影的历史研究一直是零散的，相对不发达的。 本文首先回顾了近年来有关历史和电影的文献，并主张进一步探索这一独特的，具有创造历史属性的媒介。对太平洋电影想象的演变的调查突出了殖民地技术和纪录片传统的发展，并总结了对岛民制作的越来越多的电影的反思，标志着一系列新的视觉感受的出现。

In introducing a collection of papers deriving from a workshop dedicated to Pacific film and history, this article takes the opportunity to broadly map the disciplinary and textual terrain of professional historians' engagement with the cinema. The papers introduced by this essay were selected from the first workshop dedicated to the topic of film and history in the Pacific, held in Canberra in 2007, which brought together film-makers and scholars from a wide variety of backgrounds. Despite pioneering work in the 1980s and early 1990s, historical scholarship concerned with film in the Pacific has been sporadic and remains relatively undeveloped, in contrast to research on film in other regions or the growing study of the relationships between film, colonialism and postcolonial identity. The article first reviews recent literature on history and film, and advocates further exploration of the distinctive 'history-making properties of this medium. A survey of the evolution of cinematic imaginaries for the Pacific highlights the development of colonial technologies and documentary traditions, and concludes with reflections on the growing body of film made by Islanders, marking the emergence of a new range of visual sensibilities. 在介绍一组来自一个专门研究太平洋电影和历史的研讨会的论文时，本文借此机会针对专业历史学家参与到与电影相关的学科和文本领域（情况）进行了宽泛的论述。 本文介绍的论文选自 2007 年在堪培拉举行的第一届太平洋电影与历史专题研讨会，该研讨会汇集了来自不同背景的电影制作人和学者。 尽管在20世纪80年代和90年代初太平洋地区电影的历史研究有开创性的进展，但与其他地区对电影的研究或对电影、殖民主义和后殖民身份之间关系的日益增多的研究相比，太平洋地区关于电影的历史研究一直是零散的，相对不发达的。 本文首先回顾了近年来有关历史和电影的文献，并主张进一步探索这一独特的，具有创造历史属性的媒介。对太平洋电影想象的演变的调查突出了殖民地技术和纪录片传统的发展，并总结了对岛民制作的越来越多的电影的反思，标志着一系列新的视觉感受的出现。

主题 first by reviewing briefly some of the recent scholarship on the relationship between film and history, and then by exploring in a very preliminary way the history of cinematic imaginaries for the Pacific, together with the development of colonial technologies and documentary traditions of cinema. 首先简要回顾了一些关于电影与历史关系的最新学术成果，然后以一种非常初步的方式探讨了太平洋地区电影想象的历史以及殖民技术和传统电影纪录片的发展。

first by reviewing briefly some of the recent scholarship on the relationship between film and history, and then by exploring in a very preliminary way the history of cinematic imaginaries for the Pacific, together with the development of colonial technologies and documentary traditions of cinema. 首先简要回顾了一些关于电影与历史关系的最新学术成果，然后以一种非常初步的方式探讨了太平洋地区电影想象的历史，以及殖民技术和传统电影纪录片的发展。

History and Film（电影与历史）P3~P6

首先本节在第一部分罗伯特·罗森斯通(Robert Rosenstone)在1988年对视觉媒体和历史之间关系的论述，进而引出了同年海登怀特对“Historiophoty”进行的内涵界定。最后引用阿伦·芒斯洛的话，来阐明视觉传媒如今所扮演的重要角色，20世纪70年代和80年代早期的“语言学转向”导致了“电影转向”或被“电影转向”所取代。

第2~3段阐述了史学界对电影真实性的普遍质疑，同时也说明了电影在表现历史方面的诸多限制以及其相较于历史文本所存在的诸多缺陷。

Film does not lend itself to the conventional scaffolding of textual history; no footnotes, no tables, no bibliographies and no appendices are tendered in support of its claims. 电影不适合传统的文本历史框架；没有脚注、表格、参考书目和附录来支持其主张。 Furthermore, in fictional and documentary genres alike, the narrative requirements of film convention tend to generate obvious inventions in plot and dialogue, with historical events and characters frequently suffering the indignities of compression or conflation, displacement in time and space, and alteration or misattribution. 此外，在小说和纪录片类型的电影中，电影的叙事习惯往往会谋求在情节和对话中进行明显的创新，历史事件和人物经常遭受侮辱性的压缩或融合、时空位移、改变或错误归因。

随后4~5段分别分析了电影在历史中的重要性以及它相较于文字的诸多优点。

第四段： The first is that we need to address film in terms of its specific strengths and possibilities, rather than insisting that it emulate textual history 第一，我们需要根据电影的具体优势和可能性来讨论电影，而不是坚持它模仿文本历史 The second draws on the observation that the obvious construction of film is in many respects matched by similar devices in written text, and that an adequate historical analysis of film has the potential to reconfigure the way we conceive of historiography 第二，电影的外在结构在许多方面都与书面文本中的类似手段相契合，对电影进行充分的历史分析有可能改变我们对史学的理解方式 第五段： Film delivers an experiential access to the past far beyond the capacity of the written word, showing not just images of locations and characters, but also their dynamic interactions, relationships and contexts. The layering of sound, and especially of voice, offers an enhanced potential to evoke the timbre of the past. The eye and the ear receive and process information from montage, symmetries, juxtapositions and transitions, motifs, pace and changes in pace of editing, composition, tonality and the use of light and dark in ways unavailable in written text. 电影提供了一种，远超文本书写的，对习得过去经验的能力，其不仅展现了地点和人物的图像，还展示了它们之间动态的互动、关系和情境。声音的分层，尤其是语音的分层，增强了唤起过去音色的潜能。眼睛和耳朵接收和处理在书面文本中无法使用的蒙太奇、对称、并置和过渡、主题、节奏和编辑节奏、构图、调性和明暗使用的变化方式等信息。 Film, along with other visual media, needs to be considered as a vehicle for history in its own right, and not simply as an occasional supplement to the written word, illustrating statements established in the printed text. 电影和其他视觉媒体一样，它本身需要被视为历史的载体，而不仅仅是对书面文字的偶尔补充或是对印刷文本中已有陈述的说明。

最后，6~7段，论述了电影本身的结构特点所引发的一些关于史学本质的有趣讨论。作者认为，“我们不应该直接比较电影和书面史，而应该在其他视觉和听觉媒体的背景下，探索电影与书面史的关系。”（Rather than engage in direct comparison between filmic and written history, we should be exploring the potential of film in relation to written history, and within the context of other visual and aural media.）

Producing Cinematic Imaginaries for the Pacific（为太平洋地区电影制造想象空间）

本节首段通过列举历史学家和电影学家的诸多观点表明，“电影研究仍然强烈执着于对电影形式的文本的密切分析。”（Cinema studies remains strongly wedded to the close analysis of cinematic forms of textuality）

其后的2~5段，列举了罗伯特·威尔逊（Robert Wilson）和诺埃尔・史密斯（Nowell-Smith）对“想象“的看法，作者认为，由于太平洋地区的电影行业受美国好莱坞文化的文化侵蚀程度较低，因此，使得这一地区保留了更多的本土文化和原住民文化。因此，尽管太平洋地区美国电影文化不可忽视，尽管，在学术层面对太平洋地区电影的关注较少，但是，这一地区任然存在存在着巨大的制造”想象“的空间。

Colonial Technologies of Cinema（殖民时期的电影技术）

在这一小节中，作者以纪录片和电影为线索，着重展现了殖民地和电影技术之间错综复杂的关系。

在第一段中，纽约大学的两位教授艾拉・肖哈特（Ella Shohat）、罗伯特・斯塔姆 (Robert Stam)在他们所合著的《不假思索的欧洲中心主义：多元文化主义和媒体》（Unthinking Eurocentrism: multiculturalism and the media）一书中，在讨论“帝国想象”在早期电影制作中的作用时，敏锐地指出，关于电影的倾向和潜力的论述，是如何与殖民野心的认识论交织在一起的，以至于电影把自己描绘成 “一种新型‘跨学科’科学的化身，可以让人们进入‘其他’世界变得触手可及。”（In their discussion of early cinema's part in the production of 'imperial imaginaries', Ella Shohat and Robert Stam point astutely to the ways in which discourses about the proclivities and potentialities of cinema have intertwined with the epistemologies of colonial ambition, such that the cinema represented itself as 'the avatar of a new kind of "interdisciplinary" science which could make "other" worlds accessible'.）即，作者通过引用此观点，想说明电影在殖民认识中的重要作用。随后，作者列举了一部澳大利亚政府在1958年拍摄的纪录片《新几内亚巡逻队》（New Guinea Patrol），这部纪录片充分展现了殖民主义者在处理未知境地和面对原住民时所体现出的傲慢。

In their discussion of early cinema's part in the production of 'imperial imaginaries', Ella Shohat and Robert Stam point astutely to the ways in which discourses about the proclivities and potentialities of cinema have intertwined with the epistemologies of colonial ambition, such that the cinema represented itself as 'the avatar of a new kind of "interdisciplinary" science which could make "other" worlds accessible'.34 The voice-over of the Australian government documentary New Guinea Patrol (1958), summing up the work of 'first contact' exploration in the Highlands, encapsulates such hubris aptly: 'Here on the hillside we make a map, mark in new names, take bearings to fit and fix this place into our age so that we can say there is no place that we do not know.'

在第2~3段中，主要讲述了20世纪20年代中期，弗兰克·赫尔利（Frank Hurley）拍摄的纪录片《珍珠与野蛮人》（the Pearls and Savages）分为三个部分，分别是1.托雷斯海峡群岛 2.赫尔利的船，尤里卡号 3.河流和村庄生活的鸟瞰图。影片本身再现了探索性的冒险，（向人们）展示了现代性可以克服距离，并通过与异域他物的对比，证明了现代性的进步。（The film presentation itself restages the adventure of discovery, demonstrating modernity's overcoming of distance and providing the proof of modernity's advancements by contrast with its exotic other）

Promotional material for the British tour of Frank Hurley's Pearls and Savages (an illustrated lecture comprising travel footage of the Torres Strait and Papua, along with recorded sound and hand-tinted slides, 1921-23) during the mid-1920s emphasised the 'civilised' way in which the process of photography replaced violent forms of colonial contact with the capturing of footage, which was described as 'one the most remarkable trophies ever brought home from the wilds'.35 The film presentation itself restages the adventure of discovery, demonstrating modernity's overcoming of distance and providing the proof of modernity's advancements by contrast with its exotic other: One thing is certain, whether Darwin's Missing Link between man and beast existed or did not exist, the Missing Link between man and man exists in the form of the Kinematograph camera. Can you doubt this as you watch primitive man outside his mud hut with his Stone Age weapons and realize that he could watch you in your cities at work and at play by the same means?36

在第4段中，加州大学圣巴巴拉分校，电影与媒体研究系副教授兼系主任彼得・布卢姆 (Peter Bloom)，在其2007年出版的《法国殖民时期纪录片》（French Colonial Documentary）<Ps，文章的脚注中，本书书名为《法国殖民时期的纪录影片》French Colonial Cinema>一书中认为电影的纪录功能在殖民地历史中扮演着重要的角色。他在书中写到，纪录片《在食人族中》(Chez les Mangeurs d’hommes)(1928)<Ps.IMDB中记载的纪录片发行时间为1932年> 中的摄像机—— 一部在瓦努阿图群岛拍摄的“虚构纪录片”——实际上成为了“将相机无处不在的凝视与物理捕捉对立起来的 ……‘新人文主义’”的一部分。此外，摄像机成为 “跨文化交流的载体，它不仅仅是一个客观的目击者，而且是一个和平创造者和文明的机器”。 在本研究中，布卢姆将殖民电影作为 “法国殖民媒体机构的历史” 的一部分进行研究，并建议我们将殖民纪录片视为一种在感知模式方面特别适合教学应用的知识生产形式: 例如，以科学摄影的放大和扩展为特征的观察自然的科学技术。（The camera in Chez les Mangeurs d'hommes (1928) —— a 'fictionalised documentary' film shot in the New Hebrides —— effectively becomes part of a 'new humanism... that posits the ubiquitous gaze of the camera in opposition to physical capture.'37 Moreover, the camera becomes 'a locus of cross-cultural communication, not simply an objective witness but a peace-maker and civilising machine'. 38 More generally in this research, Bloom examines colonial cinema as part of 'the history of French colonial media apparatus' and suggests that we consider colonial documentary as a form of knowledge production particularly tailored to pedagogical applications in respect of modes of perception: for example, in ways that scientific techniques for the observation of nature inhere in the magnification and expansion characterised by scientific photography.39）

Peter Bloom, in recent work, also observes disingenuous claims about cinematic reciprocity in myths about colonial humanitarianism in French colonial documentary in the interwar years. In Bloom's account, the camera in Chez les Mangeurs d'hommes (1928) —— a 'fictionalised documentary' film shot in the New Hebrides —— effectively becomes part of a 'new humanism... that posits the ubiquitous gaze of the camera in opposition to physical capture.'37 Moreover, the camera becomes 'a locus of cross-cultural communication, not simply an objective witness but a peace-maker and civilising machine'. 38 More generally in this research, Bloom examines colonial cinema as part of 'the history of French colonial media apparatus' and suggests that we consider colonial documentary as a form of knowledge production particularly tailored to pedagogical applications in respect of modes of perception: for example, in ways that scientific techniques for the observation of nature inhere in the magnification and expansion characterised by scientific photography.39

在第5~8段中，肖哈特（Shohat）和斯塔姆 (Stam)在他们合著的《不假思索的欧洲中心主义》（Unthinking Eurocentrism: multiculturalism and the media）一书中认为，电影“正是在人们对帝国主义计划的热情从精英阶层蔓延到大众阶层的时候出现的，这在一定程度上要归功于流行小说和展览”。（Cinema 'emerged exactly at the point where enthusiasm for the imperial project was spreading beyond the elites into the popular strata, partly thanks to popular fictions and exhibitions'.）尽管，作者在脚注中对这一宽泛的概念进行了在界定和批评，但可以看到的是，这一观点是大体上被作者所接受的。此外，肖哈特（Shohat）和斯塔姆 (Stam)断言，在被殖民的精英和殖民地的殖民者之间所形成共生体，共同的电影文本有助于“在许多不同的民族中构建一个统一的国家和帝国的观念”。（Moreover, they assert that communities formed among elite colonised and colonisers in the colonies, with cinema's common texts helping to 'cement both a national and an imperial sense of belonging among many disparate peoples'.）随后，本段剩余部分以澳大利亚电影制作人查尔斯・肖维尔 (Charles Chauvel) 在其为行业杂志《人人》(Everyones) 所撰写的一篇罕见的目击报道，来作为对此观点的证明。在报告中，他描述了一场在帕皮提 (Papeete) 地区的大剧场(Theatre Du Moderne) （当时他正在那里为自己 1933 年的电影《赏金之后》(In the Wake of the Bounty) 寻找影片素材）中放映的一部电影。最后，进一步，理查德·马尔特比（Richard Maltby）认为，电影应被视为在文化之间提供一个 “中间地带”。（Film should be seen as providing a 'middle ground' between cultures.）

Shohat and Stam observe that cinema 'emerged exactly at the point where enthusiasm for the imperial project was spreading beyond the elites into the popular strata, partly thanks to popular fictions and exhibitions'.40 Moreover, they assert that communities formed among elite colonised and colonisers in the colonies, with cinema's common texts helping to 'cement both a national and an imperial sense of belonging among many disparate peoples'.41 This is another productively provocative claim for research yet to be done on the history of the cinema in the Pacific. In a rare eyewitness account written for the trade journal Everyones, Australian film-maker Charles Chauvel described a film screening in Papeete's 'Theatre Du Moderne' (where he was scouting for his 1933 film, In the Wake of the Bounty):42 Adapted from a large copra shed, with a native orchestra perched high on the wall playing variated [sic] jazz tunes upon windy concertinas, banjos, guitars and mouth organs, the combined sound is little better than that which emanates from Ah Foo's chop suey joint a little further down the street. A native interpreter chaperones this symphony orchestra, interpreting the English titles to the Tahitians in their own tongue... Sometimes becoming ambitious he attempts to interpret ahead of the story and is volubly 'told off by the natives when they find he has lead them astray.43 It is a motley crowd that fills the show; Tahitians, French, English, American, Chinese, Seventh Day Adventists, sailors, beachcombers and Mormons. Chauvel's reiterative emphasis on the unruly and participatory underlines the need to take into account the contributing role of the contexts of reception in attempting to reconstruct how and what films may have historically signified, i.e. what they meant, or how they were positioned or framed to signify, to audiences in specific times and places. Richard Maltby, in research on the historical reception of Hollywood cinema, argues that consideration of the specific contexts of reception (for example print quality and the viewing conditions of local cinemas) as well as cultural factors (such as the search for common frameworks of interpretation) suggests that film should be seen as providing a 'middle ground' between cultures.44

在本节的9~10段中，论述了关于电影主要是美国”好莱坞式“的电影中的有关”自由理想“的情节会对原住民所产生的诱导作用，而这对英殖民政府当局控制土著和安抚作为少数族群的白人群体是极为不利的。

In the British dominions of Australian and New Zealand, the political and social management of entertainment cinema needs to be understood in light of triangular power relationships between the US, Britain and these emergent nations. While fears were held for the (Commonwealth) loyalties of white populations over-exposed to Hollywood fictions, the vulnerabilities of 'native peoples' in respect to the cinema were a particular concern. Key historical sources of information about cinema in the 1920s are the minutes of the Commissions of Inquiry held into cinema in countries including Canada, New Zealand, Britain and India.45 The very holding of these commissions —— in response to shared metropolitan anxieties —— demonstrates that cinema had become a social and economic force to be reckoned with and, further, one that revealed the uncomfortable powerlessness and dependence of Britain in the face of Hollywood.46 In Australia, debates about censorship recorded in the Commission's evidence reflected vocal and largely conservative community opinion about the moral health of the white national body, at risk of contamination from the 'foreign' influence of American cinema and dangerously isolated from the anchor of maternal culture. In Papua and New Guinea, administration policy was principally preoccupied with questions of indigenous control, and worked to appease a fearful white minority. In the interwar years in particular, fear and resentment centred on the access which cinema provided indigenous audiences to the popular pleasures of white peoples, to the spaces and services of white towns, and to images of white women.47 Scant evidence led the Royal Commissioners to note in their final report that films 'could instil into [native] minds dangerous and sinister motives',48 a conclusion seemingly encompassing both fears about imitative acts of social disorderliness and the concern that the same 'ideals of freedom' depicted in American films might be extended presumptuously to 'natives' imagining their own rights.49

在本节最后的11~14段中，主要围绕澳大利亚电影制作人富兰克林・巴雷特 (franklin Barrett)于1926年监制的电影《消失的种族》(The Vanishing Race)（又名《消失的美国》（The Vanishing America)<当为The Vanishing American>）展开，这部电影根据赞恩・格雷 (Zane Grey) 的小说改编而成，其虽然淡化了小说中对土著居民被剥夺权利的一些有争议的方面，但绝不是一部传统的西部片。电影将人们所想象的背叛和剥削的社会现实与一种受到一般意义上的游戏玩法和盗用(印度式的头巾被分发给在电影院外拍照的年轻男孩)影响的“教育式”体验交织在一起。（The social reality of betrayal and dispossession imagined within the film crosses over with a 'educational' experience inflected by a generic imaginary of game play and appropriation (Indian head dresses were distributed to young boys who posed outside cinemas).）此次巡演的宣传活动通过种种猎奇的手段来制造”爆点“以吸引观众，将澳大利亚、新西兰和美国的白人定居者“表亲”联合起来，将原住民的“失踪”变成了一场奇观、庆祝和模仿秀。

A focus on the practices of exhibition also reveals that the 'social imaginary' of cinema is constituted across signifying practices such that meanings are relayed from within the film's story world to the social arena in which films are promoted and consumed.50 A confronting, dizzying example of complex layers of distortion, masking and disavowal (as components of the production of a social imaginary in Wilson's account cited above) linking a film to the contexts of its consumptions is provided by the highly successful 1926 tour of The Vanishing Race (also titled The Vanishing America) through Australia and New Zealand, managed by the Australian film-maker Franklyn Barrett. The Paramount film was a major production loosely based on Zane Grey's novel which, while toning down some controversial aspects of the novel's relatively sympathetic critique of indigenous dispossession, was nevertheless by no means a conventional genre Western.51 On the Australian and New Zealand tour of the film, a troop of 'Red Indians' (under the charge of a missionary, and apparently well paid) travelled through cities and country towns, engaging in promotional activities: Between visiting schools in the morning, social functions in the evening and two shows at the Prince Edward Theatre the Indians are kept rather busy. However they have entered into the spirit of the thing and get probably as much pleasure out of all these visits as they do entertain.52 The centrepiece of Barrett's successful showmanship was 'the historic meeting of Red Indians and the Maoris, for the first time on record'.53 The tour counterposes —— or compensates for —— the film's themes of fatal disappearance with an excessive exhibitionism, even as possibilities for a different order of cultural dialogue are suggested in the reporting of the fact that 'Rotorua Maoris intend making this visit a celebration that will have few equals'.54 Meanwhile the trade press spat out a merciless series of jokes and puns linking crude generic stereotypes from 'shoot 'em up' style Westerns with the activities of the tour troupe: when hungry the Indians became 'the famishing race'; and, when the Indians were stolen from, fears were expressed for 'one Brisbane scalp'.55 The social reality of betrayal and dispossession imagined within the film crosses over with a 'educational' experience inflected by a generic imaginary of game play and appropriation (Indian head dresses were distributed to young boys who posed outside cinemas). The tour's promotional activities allied the white settler 'cousins' of Australia, New Zealand and US in turning 'disappearance' into spectacle, celebration and simulation.

Documentary Tradition（传统纪录片）

本节的主要内容是简述了太平洋地区传统纪录影片的历史嬗变。

本节第一段对纪录片内涵进行了界定，纪录片是一个术语——从广义上讲——它收集了一系列不断变化的非虚构电影实践，包括信息宣传机构（如从达米恩·帕雷尔（Damien Parer）在巴布亚和新几内亚拍摄的战争画面中收集的新闻短片，并在本卷中进行了讨论）以及公共关系和宣传项目，以及在艺术电影圈内流传的电影发行项目，如《第一次接触》（First Contact）（1983）等。（Documentary is a portmanteau term under which —— broadly speaking —— a range of shifting non-fiction cinema practices are gathered, from bureaux of information propaganda (such as the newsreels assembled from Damien Parer's war footage shot in Papua and New Guinea and discussed in this volume) and public relations and propaganda projects, to cinematically released projects that circulate within the art cinema circuit, such as First Contact (1983).）

In terms of the volume of film production, the largest body of Pacific films is 'documentary'; all but one of the articles in this collection, for example, focus on documentary or ethnographic films. Documentary is a portmanteau term under which —— broadly speaking —— a range of shifting non-fiction cinema practices are gathered, from bureaux of information propaganda (such as the newsreels assembled from Damien Parer's war footage shot in Papua and New Guinea and discussed in this volume) and public relations and propaganda projects, to cinematically released projects that circulate within the art cinema circuit, such as First Contact (1983). These modes of documentary practice have histories that are distinct from, if overlapping with, those of entertainment.56

在随后的2~4段中，文章借亚历山大・马维尔（Alexander Mawyer）对太平洋地区早期纪录片进行了简要概述，马维尔指出，由于近代摄影技术的发展，让太平洋地区真实影像得以保存。一种结合了电影和幻灯片形式的长篇讲座在彼时的殖民地区十分流行，马维尔将其称之为“另一种实验性的长篇纪录片”（another form that anticipated the feature-length documentary film）。他认为，在1898年至1926年间制作的太平洋地区的电影，表现出了对“通过最先进的技术手段传播和控制岛民形象的强烈殖民兴趣”。（a strong colonial interest in circulating and perhaps controlling representations of Islanders by the most technologically sophisticated means available）而兰德曼（Landman）有关对巴布亚新几内亚电影的制作和展出的审查监管历史的研究为这一说法提供了支持。他以罗伯特・弗莱厄蒂 (Robert Flaherty) 在1926年拍摄的《海洋奇缘》举例，认为这部纪录片引发了人们对太平洋地区人种学电影的兴趣，而这是太平洋电影史学史上的一个致命错误。但是作者认为，《海洋奇缘》虽然确实有其巨大的缺陷，但是同样不可忽视的是，其自身所存在的巨大价值。它是这段历史中的一个重要文本，是纪录片模式中关于真实性和现实主义的典范辩论的中心，（an important text in this history, one at the centre of exemplary debates about authenticity and realism in documentary modes）同时，它又是强调人类为生存而进行自然斗争和人文主义视角的“美国浪漫主义传统”的一部分。（part of the 'American romantic tradition', with its emphasis on man's natural struggle for survival and humanist perspectives）最后，文章引用布莱恩・温斯顿 (Brian Winston) 书中的观点，认为约翰・格里尔森 (John Grierson) 对《海洋奇缘》(Moana)中“纪录片价值”的描述是纪录片史界公认的“纪录片”一词的诞生。这说明，Moana一片，在纪录片史上有着举足轻重的地位。

Alexander Mawyer notes that the recording of actuality images in the Pacific carries over seamlessly from earlier technologies to the emergence of moving image photography in the late 19th century. Footage was shot by American, Australian, German, French and New Zealand producers;57 such footage, it is worth noting, circulated in a genuinely open international market for silent film before the First World War,58 feeding the desire for 'authentic live action footage shot in exotic places'.59 In this period before the dominance of the feature-length fiction film exhibited in purpose-built 'picture palaces', short travel items (called 'scenics') played among other entertainments (moving image and theatrical) as part of a programme attractions scheduled for an evening's entertainment. Full-length lectures about travel and other cultures (such as Pearls and Savages) that combined motion picture and magic lantern images and appealed to 'aficionados of refined entertainment', were another form that anticipated the feature-length documentary film.60 Mawyer considers the 'early period' of significant interest in film-making in the Pacific (from 1898 to 1926 in his account) as demonstrating 'a strong colonial interest in circulating and perhaps controlling representations of Islanders by the most technologically sophisticated means available',61 and Landman's research into the history of the regulation of film production and censorship of exhibition in Papua provides support for this claim.62 In light of this fertile period, Mawyer regards repeated claims that Robert Flaherty initiated ethnographic film interest in the Pacific with Moana (1926) as constituting a disabling error in Pacific film historiography.63 Nevertheless, Moana remains an important text in this history, one at the centre of exemplary debates about authenticity and realism in documentary modes. Moana is part of the 'American romantic tradition', with its emphasis on man's natural struggle for survival and humanist perspectives.64 Further, as Brian Winston (among others) notes, documentary histories conventionally attribute the first use of the term 'documentary' to John Grierson in his reference to the 'documentary value' of Moana.65 Grierson, widely regarded as the 'father' of the British documentary movement, is a figure of considerable influence shaping the nature of documentary in the (British) Pacific, a point to which we return below. Winston adds that: 'The documentary as Grierson had experienced it [i.e. via Flaherty's work in the 1930s] was the imperial form par excellence'.66

在文章的5~8段中，主要通过列举以下几位的观点，来对太平洋地区的纪录片所产生的诸多影响因素进行阐述

1.诺曼・道格拉斯（Norman Douglas）：太平洋地区最早的电影特性中出现的两个持久的特征:“对异域风情的刻画和对现实主义的追求”。这些欲望与太平洋（地区）的土著文化交织在一起“为西方提供了一些他们想象中最有力和最持久的‘原始’或‘野蛮’的形象”。

Norman Douglas observes the extent to which notions of the 'real' have themselves been colonised, identifying two enduring characteristics that emerge from the earliest filmic interest in the Pacific: 'the portrayal of exotica and the quest for realism'.67 These desires intertwine as indigenous cultures of the Pacific 'provided some of the most powerful and lasting images of the "primitive" or "savage" in the Western imagination'.68

2.马维尔（Mawyer）：将民族志和小说恶意地混为一谈，把它们变成了在公开的浪漫化背景下宣扬‘现实主义’的极其复杂的作品。

Mawyer makes a related point in noting a 'sinister conflation of ethnography and fiction into singularly complex works that allege "realism" in the context of overt romanticisation.'69

3.莎琳娜・皮尔森（Sarina Pearson）： 许多太平洋电影制片人（其中一些人来自其他地区）致力于的让纪录片形式所表达出的对真实性的期许为他们提供了一个在如此多受欢迎的“海洋主义”的娱乐电影面前“弄清真相”的机会。人们倾向于选择“现实主义的冷静陈述证据的策略”作为实现政治目标的适当模式，例如倡导少数群体的权利。（非太平洋地区电影制作人制作的图像谱系对太平洋地区人民的生产实践产生影响的方法）

Sarina Pearson traces some of the ways in which the genealogy of images produced by non-Pacific film-makers has impacted on the production practices of Pacific peoples.70 She argues that many Pacific film-makers turned to the promise of authenticity offered by the documentary mode, which provided them with the opportunity to 'set the record straight' in the face of the 'Oceanicism' of so much popular entertainment cinema. The 'sober evidentiary representational strategies of realism' tended to be chosen as an appropriate mode for political goals, such as the advocacy of minority rights.71

4.莎琳娜・皮尔森（Sarina Pearson）：来源于太平洋地区的奇幻意象被如此殖民化，且其中的引用领域被如此密集地施加春秋笔法的背景下，其所代表的“真实”变得引人生疑。

Yet, as Pearson establishes in her contribution to this collection, representing the 'real' becomes fraught in a context where the imagery sourced for Pacific imaginaries has been so colonised and the referential field so densely coded.

5.比尔・尼科尔斯 (Bill Nichols)：他将纪录片称之为“清醒的话语”。在他的叙述中，纪录片中的话语隐含着“决定性的力量”;[纪录片]可以而且应该能够改变世界本身。

In describing these 'sober evidentiary representational strategies of realism' above, Pearson draws on the influential characterisation by Bill Nichols of documentary as a 'discourse of sobriety'.72 In his account, the discourse of the documentary implicitly assumes 'instrumental power; [documentaries] can and should alter the world itself.73 Such a project of social and national improvement is evident in Grierson's theorising of the documentary form in the interwar years and subsequent promotion of the form across the Commonwealth.74 Film historian Albert Moran describes Grierson as 'an institutional entrepreneur on behalf of documentary film'.75

6.在本节的7~8段中，借电影史学家阿尔伯特・莫兰 (Albert Moran)话语，强调格里尔森为纪录片所做出的突出贡献。同时，格里尔森本人对纪实形式的理论研究以及随后在整个英联邦范围内对纪实形式推广；提升英联邦政府为教育社会目而制作的现实题材电影价值的（这一）形成性工作等方面所做出了巨大的贡献。

In describing these 'sober evidentiary representational strategies of realism' above, Pearson draws on the influential characterisation by Bill Nichols of documentary as a 'discourse of sobriety'.72 In his account, the discourse of the documentary implicitly assumes 'instrumental power; [documentaries] can and should alter the world itself.73 Such a project of social and national improvement is evident in Grierson's theorising of the documentary form in the interwar years and subsequent promotion of the form across the Commonwealth.74 Film historian Albert Moran describes Grierson as 'an institutional entrepreneur on behalf of documentary film'.75 Grierson's legacy then encompasses the formative work of promoting the value for Commonwealth governments of producing actuality films for educative social purposes. Government film units were established in New Zealand (1941), Australia (1945), and much later in Fiji, coinciding with independence in 1970.76 In stimulating work on the localisation of the 'classic British documentary' in Fiji, Philip Robertson suggests that the authoritative 'voice of god' narration of this mode is denatured or unmasked when transplanted into a 'postcolonial space [S]horn of its apologist domestic meanings and disguises [it] transforms into a rhetoric of empire.'77 Landman's contribution in this collection shares Robertson's interest in exploring the ways in which the 'imperial form' of the documentary was adapted and deployed in the work of the Australian Commonwealth Film Unit in Papua and New Guinea during the 1950s.

In stimulating work on the localisation of the 'classic British documentary' in Fiji, Philip Robertson suggests that the authoritative 'voice of god' narration of this mode is denatured or unmasked when transplanted into a 'postcolonial space [S]horn of its apologist domestic meanings and disguises [it] transforms into a rhetoric of empire.'77 菲利普・罗伯逊（Philip Robertson）在斐济推动“英国经典纪录片”本土化的工作中指出，这种具有权威性模式的“上帝之声”的叙事在被移植到“后殖民时代的空间中时，为其辩护的国内意义和伪装，变成了一种帝国的修辞。”77

本节的9~14段，主要论述了，创制人类学电影传统在太平洋研究中尤为突出，其中人类学和历史学领域占据了研究的主导地位。（Traditions of ethnographic film-making are of particular salience in Pacific Studies, where the fields of anthropology and history have dominated research.）以下通过举例来证明，太平洋地区（对电影）的实践在该地区电影制作的诞生和发展中发挥了重要作用。（practices in the Pacific have played a significant role in the emergence and development of film-making in this area）

1.安娜·格里姆肖（Anna Grimshaw）：将阿尔弗雷德·科特·哈登（Alfred Cort Haddon）在1898年对托雷斯海峡的实地考察描述为现代人类学的奠基时刻。她认为，静止图像（社会和文化背景中抽象出个人，并将他们确立为固定的“类型”）和运动图像（揭示人在真实的时间和空间中进行的一系列行动）之间的这种对比，暗示了 20 世纪人类学理论和方法，从回顾过去，试图还原消失的过去，到对未来的展望的转变

Anna Grimshaw, for example, describes Alfred Cort Haddon's 1898 fieldwork expedition to the Torres Strait as a founding moment in modern anthropology.80 She proposes that the expedition's moving footage 'reveals... a series of actions carried out by living people in real time and space' in contrast to the still images which were more likely to abstract individuals from social and cultural contexts and establish them as fixed 'types'. This contrast between the still and the moving images, in Grimshaw's view, is suggestive of transitions in anthropological theory and method in the 20th century, from a backward-looking concern with fixing a disappearing past to an anticipation of what is to come next.81

2.艾米・斯泰普斯（Amy Staples）：将20世纪20年代至50年代的这段时间称之为“旅行电影、探险电影、自然历史电影和人种学电影之间的界限相当不明确”的实验阶段之一。

Film was commonly used as part of the research record of anthropological field work by the mid 1920s, though it was rare before World War II that such footage was turned into stand-alone films.82 Amy Staples describes the period from the 1920s to the 1950s as one of experimentation where 'the boundaries between travel film, expeditionary film, natural history film and ethnographic film were rather undefined'.83

3.“人种学电影圆桌会议”(Round Table on Ethnographic Cinema)： 会议关注的核心问题是为具有可行和富有成效关系的文化研究和电影媒介之间建立专业标准和模式，以及“赋予与原始文化有关的工作人员的特殊责任”。

①会议记录中收集的论文构成了对美国、澳大利亚、新西兰和法国等国家制作的有关太平洋的电影项目的独特比较“评估”。

②在会上大家一致认为电影的作用是“无论是在原始社会或者先进社会，还是在各大洲都存在的不同的文化适应阶段，其都是记录人类历史的更传统方法的重要延伸”。随后，在接下来的讨论详细描述了这一时期的愿望和理想、原则和实践，以及在所代表的各领土上（人种学电影）形式不同程度和性质的制度化。

The Aura of Authenticity and Pacific Visualities（具有真实性氛围和视觉的太平洋地区）

本节重点在于强调太平洋地区电影的“真实性”和探讨政府纪录片所存在的挑战和矛盾。

在第一段中，着重说明了太平洋地区电影的真实性，并引用莎琳娜・皮尔森(Sarina Pearson)在夏威夷民族主义纪录片《战争行为》(Act of War, 1993)中阐述的关于“视觉太平洋”中的普遍准则被应用到太平洋电影中的言论以作为旁证，她认为，其方式往往会破坏个别电影的叙事内容或消解电影的可能性的理论，表明在影片意图传达的信息看似矛盾的情况下，一些典型的好莱坞式伊甸园式的比喻是如何在很大程度上被不加批判地同化的。

One of the signal features of Pacific cinema has been its emphasis on authenticity. The terms of authenticity for Pacific cinema are powerfully prescribed, a consequence of the long history of representation of the region primarily for external audiences. From the pastiche authenticity of coconut trees and beach or waterfall settings, to the knowing inclusion of the requisite proportion of ethnographic detail, a universal canon of the 'visual Pacific' is applied to Pacific cinema in a manner that often undermines the narrative content or filmic possibilities of individual films. In her contribution to this issue, Sarina Pearson illustrates this authenticating effect at work in the Hawai'ian nationalist documentary, Act of War (1993), showing how certain of the standard Hollywood tropes of an edenic Pacific are assimilated largely uncritically in seeming contradiction of the film's intended message.

在随后的2~3段中，纪录片电影的拍摄者和参演者们，在镜头前后的自我意识，向历史学家传递了一种电影是具有“回覆”历史来源的特质的感觉，或许其中体现的最明显的就是米克・莱希 (Mick Leahy) 在上世纪 30 年代初穿越巴布亚新几内亚中部高地时拍摄的几组非凡的镜头。

The sheer wonder of being on location in the interior of New Guinea overwhelms the narrative efficacy of both Frank Hurley's illustrated lecture presentation, Pearls and Savages, and his silent melodrama, Jungle Woman (1926). As Joshua Bell demonstrates in this collection, the American 1929 documentary, Sugar Cane Hunting in New Guinea, rehearses much of the territory covered —— literally and filmically —— by Hurley. At the very point of creating their 'deathless film record of our first meeting with the renowned head-hunters', any tension generated in advance evaporates in a telling instant, as one of the explorers glances back to ensure that the camera is capturing him in the act of making history. Yet it is this self-consciousness both before and behind the camera that delivers to historians the 'redemptive' quality of film as a historical source, perhaps most obviously in Mick Leahy's extraordinary footage of his patrols during the early 1930s through the Central Highlands of New Guinea. Chris Ballard in this volume points to the performative layering in the Bob Connolly and Robin Anderson's use of this footage in First Contact (1983): 'The introduction of a film camera to the moment of first contact initiates a visual loop, as Mick Leahy shoots his images, which Anderson and Connolly then restore and screen for the surviving participants of those early encounters, while themselves filming this second first contact, between historical actors and their own image.'

在4~5段中，列举了两篇论证关于二战相关电影真实性的论文。

①汉克・尼尔森 (Hank Nelson)对非纪录电影的故事片《苦战科科达》(Kokoda, 2006) 提出了异议，他指出，电影中几乎所有据称真实的陈述都是不准确的。无论如何，都需要区分不同形式的真实性。

Authenticity is particularly strongly contested in a pair of papers in this collection on films relating to the World War II. Hank Nelson takes issue with the recent feature film Kokoda (2006), the first non-documentary cinematic account of this iconic conflict. Arguing that 'images drawn from the past to evoke associations and establish authenticity should be scrutinised', Nelson exposes as inaccurate almost all of the purportedly factual statements of the film. However, there is a need to distinguish between different forms of authenticity. Nelson identifies Parer's footage of the Eora Creek hamlet as the inspiration for the film's representation of the settlement at Isurava, and suggests that this substitution would be grounds for outrage in a written historical account of the Kokoda conflict. But, recalling Hayden White's example of the firing cannon and exploding shell, there is perhaps a case to be made in defence of the film: while the sequence showing 'Isurava' mimics and is clearly inspired by Parer's Eora footage, it uses the best available material in seeking to depict Isurava. Parer shot no footage at Isurava, and it is reasonable to assume that the general form of any given Mountain Koiari settlement resembles most closely that of its closest neighbours. In terms of the narrative conventions of cinema —— and one might add of written history, which happily grounds its description of unknown settings or events on presumed analogues —— the Kokoda film's Isurava achieves what is required of it.

②田村惠子 (Keiko Tamura) 在分析战时新闻短片中对日本士兵的刻画时谈到，摄影师达米恩・帕雷尔 (Damien Parer) 在科科达和二战巴布亚战争期间在其他地方拍摄的新闻短片中的一些元素，令人不安。因为帕雷尔（Parer）的拍摄是为电影服务的，这就让他某些时候无视“真实”，而是将自己的摄影效果视为最高优先级。而这，也让他所拍摄的电影记录片的真实性大打折扣。因此最后，田村惠子 (Keiko Tamura)认为，不能以任何简单的方式将帕雷尔的镜头——以及更广泛而言的纪录片——作为一种评判虚拟电影重现的真实标准。（Parer's footage —— and documentary film more generally —— cannot in any simple manner be employed as an authentic standard against which to judge the re-enactments of fictional cinema）

More obviously troubling are elements of the newsreels shot by cameraman Damien Parer at Kokoda and elsewhere during the Papuan battles of World War II, discussed here by Keiko Tamura in her analysis of the portrayal of Japanese soldiers in wartime newsreel footage; troubling not only because of Parer's infamous scenes of Australian fighters strafing Japanese survivors from a bombed convoy in their barges, but also because of the scene from Kokoda Front Line (1942), which features Australian troops advancing on an exploding house and firing at a fleeing Japanese soldier. As we know from Parer's own notes, the entire scene was re-enacted for Parer's camera, with an Australian playing the part of the fleeing Japanese soldier, but the effect is to unsettle our understanding of the distinction between documentary and fiction, and their respective terms for authenticity. Parer's footage —— and documentary film more generally —— cannot in any simple manner be employed as an authentic standard against which to judge the re-enactments of fictional cinema.

在本节的6~10段，主要以马斯林・威廉姆斯（Maslyn Williams）为例，探讨政府纪录片所存在的挑战和矛盾。 马斯林・威廉姆斯（Maslyn Williams）：作为行政纪录片系列的设计师，他对巴布亚新几内亚和新几内亚地区进行了十分翔实的记录。在澳大利亚国家图书馆1967对他进行口述访谈时，他说道：“我并没有摆脱这种从某种角度看问题，从澳大利亚的角度看问题而不是从一个公开的角度看问题的思维惯性。我仍然没有认同我所写的那些人。我把他们当作好奇或问题来写，而不是作为人来写。可以说，我仍在从一个稍有优越感的人的角度写作。”更令人震惊的是，他随后对电影在传递太平洋生活真相方面所具价值的反思:电影并不是一种很好的表达真理和情感的媒介。电影的制作成本里有太多的人，太多的机械加工和太多不同来源的资金参与其中，以至于无法让个人对电影中的任何事情都能给出一个诚实的、明了的意见。鲍勃・福斯特 (Bob Foster) 将威廉姆斯的领土类纪录片概括为 “受约束的真实性”。

The challenges and contradictions of government documentary are embodied in the biography of the Commonwealth Film Unit director Maslyn Williams. His long career in film, serving with both Frank Hurley and Damien Parer in propaganda units during World War II and then as the architect of the administration documentary series on the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, addressed here in Jane Landman's essay, traces an informative trajectory. The disappointment that Williams expressed after resigning from his role as a producer and film-maker to write his travelogue, Stone Age Island, sheds some light on the perspective of an external observer of the region:91 I had not shaken off this long training in seeing things from a certain point of view, an Australian point of view, if not an official point of view. I had still not identified with the people I was writing about. I was writing about them as curiosities or problems rather than as people. I was still writing, as it were, from the point of view of a slightly superior person.92 More devastating still is his subsequent reflection on the value of cinema in communicating something of the truth of Pacific lives: The film medium is not a good medium for expressing truth or expressing deep feeling. There are far too many people and far too many mechanical processes and far too much money brought to bear from different sources for the cost of making a film, to allow an individual to give an honest, simple opinion of any thing in a film.93 Bob Foster has characterised the general approach of Williams's Territory documentaries as one of 'constrained authenticity'; 94 as films that sought to represent Pacific realities, while strongly limited in terms of administration direction and oversight, as well as the documentary conventions of the day.

在第11段，以迈克尔·戈德史密斯（Michael Goldsmith）在所描绘的人类学家格尔德·科赫（Gerd Koch）为遵守哥廷根大学的科学电影研究所（Institut fur den Wissenschaftlichen film）所制定的人种学电影规则和条件所做的尝试为例，探讨了太平洋地区的民族志纪录片深受以真实的方式呈现真实主体的双重真实的困扰的这一现象。

Ethnographic documentary in the Pacific has laboured under the double requirement of representing authentic subjects in an authentic mode. Michael Goldsmith's essay in this collection describes the attempts by anthropologist Gerd Koch to adhere to the rules and conditions for ethnographic film set out by the Institut fur den Wissenschaftlichen Film in Gottingen. Unsettling doubts about the authenticity of the Tuvaluan martial arts documented in Koch's films are themselves overturned by the archival possibilities —— for Goldsmith and for Tuvaluans today —— of the images, inviting a renewed respect for the material itself.

在本节最后的12~15段，以导演马丁・马登（Martin Maden）在堪培拉研讨会上放映的《火山口山的故事》（Crater Mountain Story 2006）为例，阐述了，太平洋地区的（电影）团体接受来自电影中的图像——就像静态摄影一样——的这一行为本质是对一个新兴领域进行的反思。而这，暗示了不同文化间可能存在不同的视觉代码和不同的观看方式。对于殖民者来说，绝大多数太平洋电影都是由他们制作的，但是，头三四十年的太平洋本土电影中已经开始产出大量的素材并且反映新的视觉感受，而这些将成为太平洋电影史的一个主要焦点。（hints of the possibility of a culturally different visual code and of a different viewing protocol. The overwhelming majority of Pacific cinema has been produced by outsiders, for outsiders, but the first three or four decades of indigenous Pacific cinema have begun to generate a body of material and to reflect new visual sensibilities that will come to form a central focus for Pacific film history）

The nature of the reception by Pacific communities of images from cinema——like those of still photography——is a burgeoning area for reflection.95 On his sentimental return in 1989 to the Dani of the Baliem Valley, in what was by then Indonesian Irian Jaya, the ethnographic film-maker Robert Gardner experienced a moment of profound deflation as he screened his celebrated 1963 documentary, Dead Birds, to the surviving protagonists, seated around a table in a small room. Hoping to capture their reactions for a further film (much as Connolly and Anderson had succeeded in filming their public screenings of the Leahy footage in Mount Hagen), Gardner realised that his Dani friends could make no sense whatsoever of his original, didactic voice-over in English: I soon realized that it hardly mattered what they heard and saw that day. Their pleasure was not in the shape but in the content of what they watched. The film could have begun in the middle, or gone backwards and not forwards, or have been composed of any of the thousands of scenes that had been left out when I edited it so scrupulously more than twenty-five years earlier.96 There are here the first (grudging) hints of the possibility of a culturally different visual code and of a different viewing protocol. The overwhelming majority of Pacific cinema has been produced by outsiders, for outsiders, but the first three or four decades of indigenous Pacific cinema have begun to generate a body of material and to reflect new visual sensibilities that will come to form a central focus for Pacific film history. Martin Maden's Crater Mountain Story (2006), screened by the director at the Canberra workshop, points to the future, not just through the manner of its address to its Gimi subjects as they express their ambivalence about the competing pulls of church, environmental groups and mining opportunities, but because it knowingly builds upon Gimi historicity and traditions of exposition through theatrical performance. Villagers perform a series of roles, for themselves as much as for the camera, as urban spivs selling land to mining prospectors, as dutiful mothers, and as performers and custodians of traditional dances and musical forms. Maden's camera is immersed in the action, chasing through the chaos of a hilarious fight scene or gathered into small huts for performances, reproducing the experience of Gimi audiences.97 Maden's film serves as a summons to engagement for historians —— and it was read as such at the Canberra workshop: a challenge to return once more to the work of engaging constructively with Pacific films, their makers, their subjects and their audiences

马斯林・威廉姆斯（Maslyn Williams）

布莱恩・温斯顿 (Brian Winston)

罗伯特・弗莱厄蒂 (Robert Flaherty)

简兰德曼博士

亚历山大・马维尔（Alexander Mawyer）

达米恩·帕雷尔

1955年，约翰・格里尔森（右）与玻利维亚电影制片人豪尔赫・鲁伊斯合影

《The Journal of Pacific History》 June.2010

AsPr Christopher Ballard（阿斯珀・克里斯托弗・巴拉德） 澳大利亚国立大学 文化，历史与语言学院 博士 自述 我目前的兴趣围绕着本土美拉尼西亚人的历史 —— 其由于跨文化接触而发生的转变；其经由各种媒体，包括电影和小说等所呈现的形态；其与当代挑战——如土地改革、大型自然资源项目和文化遗产管理规划——的结合。我还与布朗温・道格拉斯 (Bronwen Douglas) 一起参与了一个关于 “欧洲博物学家和大洋洲人类构成差异” 的 澳大利亚研究委员会（ARC）发现项目。正在编写的出版物包括关于大洋洲种族科学史的文集以及关于新几内亚高地暴力和初次接触的专题著作。 主要成果 1.在伊里安・贾亚自由港矿场的联合国妇女地位国家联盟基线研究项目（1996-98 年） 2.马赛国家科学研究中心主任（1999-2000 年）和巴黎 EHESS 研究主任（2001 年）等访问职位 3.2007年代表瓦努阿图共和国获得罗伊・马塔酋长领地世界遗产提名。 研究动向 资源所有权和土地权 暴力与人权 种族主义、“种族” 概念和殖民遭遇 社会和农业转型 叙事和记忆 神圣的地理 历史，人类学，考古学和地理学学科的理论 印度尼西亚东部、巴布亚新几内亚和瓦努阿图的区域利益

澳大利亚国立大学 文化，历史与语言学院 博士 自传 我目前的兴趣围绕着本土美拉尼西亚人的历史 —— 其由于跨文化接触而发生的转变；其经由各种媒体，包括电影和小说等所呈现的形态；其与当代挑战——如土地改革、大型自然资源项目和文化遗产管理规划——的结合。我还与布朗温・道格拉斯 (Bronwen Douglas) 一起参与了一个关于 “欧洲博物学家和大洋洲人类构成差异” 的 澳大利亚研究委员会（ARC）发现项目。正在编写的出版物包括关于大洋洲种族科学史的文集以及关于新几内亚高地暴力和初次接触的专题著作。 职业亮点 在伊里安・贾亚自由港矿场的联合国妇女地位国家联盟基线研究项目（1996-98 年）; 马赛国家科学研究中心主任（1999-2000 年）和巴黎 EHESS 研究主任（2001 年）等访问职位；代表瓦努阿图共和国获得罗伊・马塔酋长领地世界遗产提名（2007 年）。 研究动向 资源所有权和土地权；暴力与人权；种族主义、“种族” 概念和殖民遭遇；社会和农业转型；叙事和记忆；神圣的地理；历史，人类学，考古学和地理学学科的理论；印度尼西亚东部、巴布亚新几内亚和瓦努阿图的区域利益。

DR JANE LANDMAN（简・兰德曼博士） Dr Landman's background prior to starting with VU was in secondary teaching, curriculum development and educational film and radio. She teaches in the undergraduate and postgraduate programs, in the areas of media and audiences, and communication industries. Her research concerns the role of the media in the process and cultures of colonialism and decolonisation. She has a particular interest in Australia and the Pacific. 兰德曼博士在加入维多利亚大学之前曾从事中学教学、课程开发、教育电影和广播等工作。 在她所教授的本科和研究生课程中，涉及媒体和受众领域以及通信行业。 她的研究关注的是媒体在殖民主义和非殖民化过程和文化中的作用。她对澳大利亚和太平洋地区特别感兴趣。

Dr Landman's background prior to starting with VU was in secondary teaching, curriculum development and educational film and radio. She teaches in the undergraduate and postgraduate programs, in the areas of media and audiences, and communication industries. Her research concerns the role of the media in the process and cultures of colonialism and decolonisation. She has a particular interest in Australia and the Pacific. 兰德曼博士在加入维多利亚大学之前曾从事中学教学、课程开发、教育电影和广播等工作。 在她所教授的本科和研究生课程中，涉及媒体和受众领域以及通信行业。 她的研究关注的是媒体在殖民主义和非殖民化过程和文化中的作用。她对澳大利亚和太平洋地区特别感兴趣。